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Four years ago, Joachim Gauck and Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Germany's president and foreign minister at the time, both called for such a focus, saying that Germany must act "earlier, more decisively and more substantially.
In his works, the German historian Heinrich August Winkler has described the triumph of the West, its values and its ideas. But even he has been at a loss since America ceased upholding these values.
His most recent book, "Is the West Crumbling? Winkler has become a chronicler of an historical event that he is no longer able to interpret.
The crisis of the West is particularly painful for Germany. The country's long journey to the West described by Winkler ended as the West's decline began, like some train that has arrived at a station that has just been decommissioned.
As the West's position of power eroded, its claims of moral leadership only grew louder. This divergence was particularly apparent to those watching from outside of Europe.
There, the West had long since been viewed as presumptuous and arrogant. It was a tone they didn't care for, and they reacted with rejection and defiance.
Authoritarian systems have now entered into open rivalry with the West, pitting their models against ours. The narrative -- disseminated by China, above all -- is one of efficient, benevolent half-dictators who promise prosperity and progress in contrast to cumbersome, inefficient and crisis-plagued democracies.
Europe must stand up for its values. To that end, it would be helpful if it changed its attitude and tone and shed its arrogance, shifting away from gestures of finger-pointing and rebuke.
Europe must allow its virtues to speak for themselves. It has to stand its ground in the competition with other societal models.
With Emmanuel Macron at the helm of France, we now have an opportunity to make Europe attractive again. One of the favorite bits of wisdom adhered to by Merkelism is that politics begins with observing reality.
But that's not so easy these days. Germany's foreign policy lacks a strategic approach that describes, analyzes and shows possibilities.
So long as the most critical coordinates had already been set, Germany didn't have to think so critically. Others used to do this for us, but those times have passed.
A few years back, the Foreign Ministry set in motion a review process and the Defense Ministry also began working on a new policy "white book.
Germany needs more foreign policy minds who in turn have greater influence. The smartest thinkers in politics should not be entering the corporate sector as many have done.
They should instead be going to foundations and think tanks. It's also no longer sufficient for each nation to plan and think for itself.
If Berlin and Paris want to lead together, then they will also need to think together. Values and interests aren't mutually exclusive by default.
It's in Germany's interest to promote rule of law, human rights, multilateralism and the adherence to global agreements. Even so, it can still be necessary to accept limitations to achieve foreign policy goals.
German foreign policy must weigh morals and interests against each other. But was it in the European interest given the ultimate cost -- a war in Ukraine and a row with Russia?
In the end, the unwillingness to budge served neither Ukraine nor the EU. Was it right to insist to Britain that the principle of freedom of movement was non-negotiable, thus paving the way for the Brexiteers?
Surely the free movement of labor forces is a central principle of the single market. But out of fear that the principle would be abandoned, there was never even a discussion over whether a compromise could be made.
In the conflict over Catalonia's quest for independence, Germany and the EU have held strictly to the principle of not intervening in a member state's domestic politics.
But it would indeed be in Europe's interest if Berlin or Brussels -- or whoever -- could find a way to serve as an intermediary between Madrid and Barcelona.
Part of our consideration has to be accepting things that we do not have the power to change. Germany must prepare for the fact that democratic developments are unlikely in Russia in the foreseeable future.
And yet we still need policies that bind Russia and Turkey to Europe. In the Middle East, we need to come to an understanding with a Russia that has filled the void left by the U.
And when it comes to China, we need a European policy that limit's Beijing's influence. And, finally, there's Poland. The question could soon rise there about what's more important?
That Poland remains in the European Union or that it complies completely with the principles of rule of law. It may be unrealistic to expect both.
In such a situation, it might be in Germany's interest to ensure that the Eastern Europeans remain in the EU, even if they do not conform to its standards on every value.
Germany will have to endure these conflicts in the future while at the same time making decisions that could be decisive.
It's a mistake that there is little in terms of honest discussion about them. We should have much sharper debates -- and they should be as pointed as they are public.
Instead, however, German politics is still focused on the illusion of being a moral power. If Germany wants to lead, then it also needs to have a realistic view of the world.
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